と題したエントリをブランコ・ミラノビッチが書いている(H/T Economist's View)。

The juxtaposition of these two names in the title may come as a surprise to many readers. What do a social-democrat who wanted to reform Communism, and the billionaire right-wing populist magnate have in common? Indeed, if we focus on their ideologies and individual histories (to the extent that they matter) nothing—not “almost nothing”, but “nothing”!
But if we look at the things from a structuralist perspective similarities are unmistakable.They do not believe in the hierarchical international systems they preside. They are part of the ruling elite but they are fighting against it.
Gorbachev came to power in 1985 planning to reform the Soviet Communism so that it could be economically more efficient and provide higher incomes for its people. The system whose head he became was a hierarchical one. Internationally, the countries of the “socialist camp” were organized in such a way that the USSR was their head; the USSR in turn was led but the Communist party. And the Communist party was led by its Secretary General. ...
The Western capitalist world was organized in 1945 in a similarly hierarchical fashion. The countries were “equal” but one was “more equal”. In fact, were it not for the United States and the effort and money it expended in Europe and Japan, it is very unlikely that Europe and Japan would today look the way they do. On the top of the “more equal” country, sits its president. ...
With Trump who questions the modus operandi of NATO, the way that Gorbachev wondered about the need for the Warsaw Pact, that assurance is gone (or seems to be gone). The EU is not sacrosanct either, nor is the WTO, nor the entire international architecture that the United States built from 1945 onwards.
The elite in the West, like the Communist elites in the East some 30 years ago, are now at a loss. Aping or accepting the rhetoric emanating from Washington goes against the corpus of beliefs they have created and defended over the past 70 years. Yet opposing Washington, like opposing the Secretary General, Is out of the question because no similar system can be set up by a European power, nor by a combination of European powers. The Western elites treat Trump as they would treat a tiger with whom they are unwillingly locked in a cage: they try to be friendly to the tiger hoping to avoid being eaten, but they hope that the tiger would soon be taken out of the cage.
Will Trump have a similarly devastating effect on democracies that Gorbachev had on Communism? I doubt it, because the Western democratic societies are more resilient and organic. ... Further, capitalism unlike Communism is economically successful. ...
Trump will not, I think, destroy some essential structures of the Western system as it was built after the World War II, but he might, with his rough, chaotic and unpredictable government, scare the ruling elites in the West, encourage “revisionists”, and bring about changes that will alter the world as it was created in Yalta and Potsdam.
... Trump is unlikely to create a new structure but he can break parts of the old one. If he does that, he might usher in a post-Cold War era, and close the book on 1945. But note that the Cold War had one good feature: it was “Cold”.
タイトルでこの2つの名前を並べたことは多くの読者にとって驚きであっただろう。共産主義を改革しようとした社会民主主義者と、億万長者の右派ポピュリストの大立者との共通点は何か? 実際のところ、彼らのイデオロギーと個人の歴史(それが重要である限りにおいて)に焦点を当てるならば、共通点は何も無い――「ほぼ何も」ではなく、「何も」無い!
ゴルバチョフ共産主義にもたらしたような破壊的な影響をトランプは民主主義にもたらすだろうか? 私はそうは思わない。西側の民主社会はより弾力性が高く有機的である。・・・また、共産主義と違って資本主義は経済的に成功している。・・・